A View of the
Holocaust
By Dr Steve Paulsson
The outside world

British troops guard Alex Pickowski, Camp Commandant
of Dechau concentration camp ©
The
discovery of Belsen
brought home the shocking truth about Nazi atrocities, but the facts had been
known for some time. As early as the summer of 1941, British signals
intelligence had intercepted and decoded radio messages from German police
units co-operating with the Einsatzgruppen, and details of the killings of Jews
were included in the monthly summaries that were sent to Churchill. Churchill
responded with a speech on August 24 1941 in which he called the massacres 'a
crime without a name' but erroneously identified the victims as 'Russian
patriots defending their native soil'. Otherwise, these facts were not made public.
In June 1942, a report from the Jewish
Workers' party in Poland
reached London.
The report described the massacres in the east and estimated that 700,000 Jews
had been killed; but when a Polish courier mentioned this number to a British
journalist he was advised to 'drop a zero or two' if he wanted to be believed.
Another Polish courier, Jan Karski, reached the west in November 1942, carrying
messages from Jewish leaders in Poland.
He had himself witnessed the conditions in the Warsaw ghetto and in what he believed to be
the Belzec death camp, and was eager to inform the
world. Karski saw the British foreign secretary,
Anthony Eden, and US
President Roosevelt, but they seemed to be more interested in military
intelligence than in atrocity stories. Partly as a result of Karski's mission, however, the Allies agreed to a joint
declaration, read to the British Parliament on 17 December, which acknowledged
Nazi war crimes and threatened punishment for the perpetrators. Subsequently
millions of leaflets were dropped in the course of bombing raids on German
cities to inform Germans of the facts, but these had little or no effect.
By the spring of 1944, detailed
descriptions of the killing operations at Auschwitz-Birkenau
received from escaped prisoners were published. This prompted calls for the camp
or its railway approaches to be bombed, but these proposals were rejected on
technical grounds.
'Britain treated
refugees from Nazi Germany as economic migrants, and took in only those who
would be of economic benefit to the country.'
Britain's attitude to Jewish refugees from
Nazi-controlled areas was strongly influenced by its role as the mandatory
power in Palestine,
where it had to mediate between Jewish and Arab interests. In December 1941,
the Struma,
a ship carrying 769 Jewish refugees, left the Romanian port
of Constantsa
hoping to reach Palestine.
Towed into Istanbul harbour
when its engines failed, it became the subject of diplomatic discussions
between Britain and Turkey. Britain's chief concern was to discourage what
it regarded as an undesirable traffic, and it proposed that the ship be
returned to Romania.
After ten weeks of wrangling the Struma was towed out
to sea, its engines still disabled, where it was sunk by a Soviet submarine.
There was one survivor.
Jewish refugees were the subject of
two international conferences, at Evian in 1938 and Bermuda
in 1943. Neither conference resulted in any concrete action. In general, Britain treated
refugees from Nazi Germany as economic migrants, and took in only those who
would be of economic benefit to the country. About 10,000 Jewish children were
brought to Britain
in 1939 under the Kindertransport
scheme, and placed with British families, but their parents were excluded and
had to pay for their children's support. The best that can be said for Britain's
refugee policy is that it was less ungenerous than that of most other European
states at the time.